Battles emerged over the westward expansion of slavery and over the role of the federal government in protecting the interests of slaveholders. Northern workers felt that slavery suppressed wages and stole land that could have been used by poor white Americans to achieve economic independence. Constant resistance from enslaved men and women required a strong pro-slavery government to maintain order.
That a representative of the heartland of Federalism could speak in such positive terms of the visit by a Southern president whose decisive election had marked not only a sweeping Republican victory but also the demise of the national Federalist Party was dramatic testimony that former foes were inclined to put aside the sectional and political differences of the past.
James Monroe, oil sketch by E. Library of Congress, Washington, D. Abetting the mood of nationalism was the foreign policy of the United States after the war.
The Monroe Era of good feelings nationalism and sectionalismactually a few phrases inserted in a long presidential message, declared that the United States would not become involved in European affairs and would not accept European interference in the Americas; its immediate effect on other nations was slight, and that on its own citizenry was impossible to gauge, yet its self-assured tone in warning off the Old World from the New reflected well the nationalist mood that swept the country.
Maryland and Gibbons v. Ogden promoted nationalism by strengthening Congress and national power at the expense of the states. The readiness of Southern Jeffersonians—former strict constructionists—to support such a measure indicates, too, an amazing degree of nationalist feeling. National disunity For all the signs of national unity and feelings of oneness, equally convincing evidence points in the opposite direction.
The growth of the West, encouraged by the conquest of Indian lands during the War ofwas by no means regarded as an unmixed blessing. Eastern conservatives sought to keep land prices high; speculative interests opposed a policy that would be advantageous to poor squatters; politicians feared a change in the sectional balance of power; and businessmen were wary of a new section with interests unlike their own.
European visitors testified that, even during the so-called Era of Good FeelingsAmericans characteristically expressed scorn for their countrymen in sections other than their own. Economic hardship, especially the financial panic ofalso created disunity.
The causes of the panic were complex, but its greatest effect was clearly the tendency of its victims to blame it on one or another hostile or malevolent interest—whether the second Bank of the United States, Eastern capitalists, selfish speculators, or perfidious politicians—each charge expressing the bad feeling that existed side by side with the good.
If harmony seemed to reign on the level of national political parties, disharmony prevailed within the states. In the early 19th-century United States, local and state politics were typically waged less on behalf of great issues than for petty gain.
That the goals of politics were often sordid did not mean that political contests were bland. In every section, state factions led by shrewd men waged bitter political warfare to attain or entrench themselves in power.
The most dramatic manifestation of national division was the political struggle over slaveryparticularly over its spread into new territories.
The Missouri Compromise of eased the threat of further disunity, at least for the time being. The sectional balance between the states was preserved: Yet this compromise did not end the crisis but only postponed it.
The determination by Northern and Southern senators not to be outnumbered by one another suggests that the people continued to believe in the conflicting interests of the various great geographic sections.
The weight of evidence indicates that the decade after the Battle of New Orleans was not an era of good feelings so much as one of mixed feelings. The economy The American economy expanded and matured at a remarkable rate in the decades after the War of The corporate form thrived in an era of booming capital requirements, and older and simpler forms of attracting investment capital were rendered obsolete.
Commerce became increasingly specialized, the division of labour in the disposal of goods for sale matching the increasingly sophisticated division of labour that had come to characterize production.
Edward Pessen The management of the growing economy was inseparable from political conflict in the emerging United States.
At the start the issue was between agrarians represented by Jeffersonian Republicans wanting a decentralized system of easy credit and an investing community looking for stability and profit in financial markets.
This latter group, championed by Hamilton and the Federalists, won the first round with the establishment of the first Bank of the United Statesjointly owned by the government and private stockholders.
Its charter expired inand the financial chaos that hindered procurement and mobilization during the ensuing War of demonstrated the importance of such centralization.
Hence, even Jeffersonian Republicans were converted to acceptance of a second Bank of the United States, chartered in The second Bank of the United States faced constant political fire, but the conflict now was not merely between farming and mercantile interests but also between local bankers who wanted access to the profits of an expanding credit system and those who, like the president of the Bank of the United States, Nicholas Biddlewanted more regularity and predictability in banking through top-down control.
The Constitution gave the United States exclusive power to coin money but allowed for the chartering of banks by individual states, and these banks were permitted to issue notes that also served as currency.
The state banks, whose charters were often political plums, lacked coordinated inspection and safeguards against risky loans usually collateralized by land, whose value fluctuated wildly, as did the value of the banknotes.
Overspeculation, bankruptcies, contraction, and panics were the inevitable result. But this notion ran afoul of the growing democratic spirit that insisted that the right to extend credit and choose its recipients was too precious to be confined to a wealthy elite. Not until the s did the federal government place its funds in an independent treasury, and not until the Civil War was there legislation creating a national banking system.
The country was strong enough to survive, but the politicization of fiscal policy making continued to be a major theme of American economic history. Wood engraving relating to the financial setback experienced on the U. Transportation revolution Improvements in transportation, a key to the advance of industrialization everywhere, were especially vital in the United States.
A fundamental problem of the developing American economy was the great geographic extent of the country and the appallingly poor state of its roads.
The broad challenge to weave the Great LakesMississippi Valley, and Gulf and Atlantic coasts into a single national market was first met by putting steam to work on the rich network of navigable rivers.
As early asJohn Fitch had demonstrated a workable steamboat to onlookers in Philadelphia; some years later, he repeated the feat in New York City. But it is characteristic of American history that, in the absence of governmental encouragement, private backing was needed to bring an invention into full play.President John Adams resources including biographies, election results, family information, speeches, and more.
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Kahoot! is a free game-based learning platform that makes it fun to learn – any subject, in any language, on any device, for all ages! The major sectionalism event during the era of good feelings was the Missouri crisis that led to the Missouri compromise - crafted by Henry Clay in The nationalism of that time period was the after effect of the war of This mural, created over eighty years after Brown’s death, captures the violence and religious fervor of the man and his era.
John Steuart Curry, Tragic Prelude, , Kansas State Capitol. Contents[show] The APUSH exam underwent a major redesign for The free-response portion now only contains one DBQ and one LEQ (from a choice of two). Form A DBQ: Explain the reasons why a new conservatism rose to prominence in the United States between and Free response.
19th Century America.
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